Season 2

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94

Gender and cycling: a feminist perspective with Mélodie from the La Ville à Vélo association

7.5.2025

Mélodie Cros Ferréol examines how women move differently from men in everyday urban mobility in France. Her interdisciplinary study links cycling and feminism to show that urban mobility follows gender norms rarely questioned or challenged in French urban planning and contemporary transport.

The episode in detail

When everyday mobility is gendered without anyone noticing

Mélodie Cros Ferréol trained as an engineer. She spent 12 years developing transport projects (metro design and commissioning). Alongside this, she became an urban cyclist, co-chair of the La Ville à Vélo association in Lyon, and a facilitator of workshops on mobility and sexism. For her dissertation at the Institut de la Transition, she brought together two subjects that had long occupied her: cycling and gender norms.

What she found is not new to mobility specialists, but remains largely unknown to the general public. Women travel differently from men, regardless of age, social background or region. Their trips are shorter, slower and more frequent, spread across the whole day. They chain stops together (pharmacy, school, shopping) where men make simple round trips between two points. Spanish researcher Inès Sanchez de Madariaga gave this reality a name in 2013: “mobility of care”, domestic mobility.

“Women travel fewer kilometres and spend less time travelling, but make more trips. For a 38-year-old woman, that is around one more trip a day than for men.”

Cycling should be women’s ally. It is their blind spot.

A paradox: cycling fits this complex mobility perfectly (short trips, easy parking, flexible routes). Yet it is the only form of active travel where women are less present than men, roughly half as many, according to figures from the FUB (Fédération française des usagers de la bicyclette).

Mélodie identified three categories of barriers. First, physical, social and technical insecurity: fear of accidents (60% of women cyclists fear an accident risk “often or all the time”), fear of conflict with drivers, fear of mechanical breakdown. Second, bodily pressures: the helmet that messes up hair, sweat that runs make-up, the gendered relationship to physical effort that puts women off hills. Third, the lack of solutions for domestic mobility: parking a cargo bike safely while children play nearby is a source of stress that few planners have anticipated.

“Women are not less able to climb a hill. They are socialised not to want to. That is the question of gender at stake.”

Three gender norms, three locks to break

Mélodie draws on the work of researcher Camille Froidevaux-Metterie to link these barriers to three deep gender norms. Social inferiority produces the feeling of insecurity, even though statistics show that women have at least half as many cycling accidents as men. Sexual availability imposes aesthetic pressures that make the body “decorative” rather than “capable”. Maternal devotion turns every trip with children into a social trial: “Am I a good mother if I cycle on the road with my children?”

Women interviewed for the dissertation report direct criticism from other passers-by, including other women, accusing them of “endangering” their children by cycling with them.

“When you’re a mother, the issue of insecurity is multiplied tenfold. The fear of an accident applies to yourself, but also to your children. Am I entitled to choose this way of getting around?”

A cycling ecosystem designed by and for men

The problem is not limited to riding. In the cycling ecosystem (manufacturing, sales, repair, infrastructure planning), women are under-represented: 13% in cycle distribution, 23% in contributions to cycling infrastructure, 35% on association boards. At La Ville à Vélo, despite several successive female co-chairs, women make up only 30% of members.

This absence produces what Mélodie calls a “bias of ignorance”: men design solutions based on their own experience and unintentionally overlook women’s needs. Structuring cycle networks (such as the Lyon voies lyonnaises) favour long commutes, which matter for decarbonisation, but fall short if local trips (schools, shopping, healthcare) remain dangerous or uncomfortable.

“If it’s too complicated to take my children to school or go shopping by bike, even if my commute to work is decent, I won’t choose cycling. The local trip isn’t safe.”

Four levers to change the situation

The dissertation does not stop at description. Mélodie proposes four courses of action. The first: tackle sexism in the cycling ecosystem through concrete training and awareness actions, not vague calls. The second: improve women’s representation within organisations, with measurable targets for recruitment and parity in key positions. The third: count and measure by gender. Set gendered modal shares (not just “12% of cyclists”, but “12% of women cyclists”) and apply gender mainstreaming to infrastructure projects. The fourth: work on cultural representation, showing women mechanics, mothers cycling with their children, and women chairing associations.

Cycling, a tool for emancipation then and now

In the 19th century, the bicycle let women travel without being accompanied by their husband or father. Cycling also sped up the authorisation of trousers for women. For Mélodie, this emancipatory potential remains intact. Pedalling means reclaiming a capable body rather than a decorative one. Learning mechanics breaks the myth of technical incompetence. Riding in the middle of the road means occupying public space.

“Cycling helps lift these barriers and challenge social norms. You reclaim your body’s capabilities, regain confidence, take your place on the road. For a woman, that is not a small thing.”

Frequently asked questions

Three categories of barriers explain this gap: insecurity (fear of accidents, conflict with drivers, mechanical breakdowns), bodily pressures (a gendered relationship to physical effort, clothing and appearance constraints) and the lack of solutions for domestic mobility (suitable parking, accompanying children). These barriers are linked to deep gender norms that keep women away from cycling.

Coined by researcher Inès Sanchez de Madariaga in 2013, “mobility of care” refers to mobility linked to care (children, shopping, medical appointments) and household upkeep. This mobility, carried mainly by women, involves chained trips with many stops. If cycling infrastructure does not make these local trips safe, women will not choose cycling, even if their commute is well designed.

With only 13% of women in cycle distribution and 23% in infrastructure design, a “bias of ignorance” takes hold: solutions are designed from male experience, taken as the universal norm. Women’s specific needs (local mobility, parking suited to cargo bikes, inclusive welcome in shops) stay hidden within overall averages.

Mélodie Cros Ferréol identifies four levers: tackle sexism through targeted training, set measurable targets for women’s representation in cycling organisations, measure and count using gendered data (modal shares, speaking time, accident rates), and work on cultural representation by showing women mechanics, women cyclists who are mothers, and women leading cycling associations.

Pedalling lets women reclaim a “capable” body rather than a “decorative” one, according to Camille Froidevaux-Metterie’s analysis. Learning bike mechanics breaks the myth of technical incompetence. Riding in the middle of the road means occupying public space. In the 19th century, the bicycle had already given women more independence in getting around and sped up the authorisation of trousers.

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